JEFFERSON CITY • On a history-making afternoon in early February, it was standing room only in Gov. Eric Greitens’ Capitol office, as House and Senate Republicans filed in to watch their new chief executive sign into law a long-awaited “right to work” bill.
Even with supermajorities in both chambers of the state Legislature, it was a victory that eluded the Missouri GOP under Greitens’ predecessor, former Gov. Jay Nixon, a Democrat who used his veto pen to block previous efforts.
With an ally in the governor’s mansion for the first time in eight years, lawmakers set to work on an agenda that included initiatives they knew would have Greitens’ blessing, limiting lobbyist gifts, curbing union power and trimming regulations burdensome to businesses.
So far, they’ve sent Greitens four other bills, including legislation setting new standards for expert witnesses, increasing penalties for the off-label use of herbicides and easing regulations on ride-hailing companies such as Uber.
But in the final weeks of the legislative session, infighting among Republicans indicates that having control of both the legislative and executive branches of government doesn’t guarantee a clear path for the party’s top priorities.
It’s not at all unusual for tension to run high as the end of session approaches. But recently, those conflicts erupted on the floor of the Missouri Senate, where members threatened to stall action on the state budget if their concerns weren’t addressed.
Senate rules encourage lengthy, wide-ranging debates, giving senators the chance to filibuster bills they oppose. They can hold the floor, discussing topics that this year have ranged from baseball statistics to the Hare Krishna movement, to allow for negotiations outside of the chamber. The move can sometimes kill a bill outright.
In the House, leaders often rely on a procedural move to cut debate short and force a vote — but it’s a practice rarely used in the Senate.
This year, though, some lawmakers question if the filibuster has been used as a revenge tactic rather than a way to foster productive discussion. A series of filibusters in recent months have stalled progress in the Senate, where bills including ethics reform and school choice proposals now face an uncertain future, with limited time to pass them.
Greitens told the Post-Dispatch on Thursday that he had been briefed on the “fireworks” in the Senate. He said he and his staff were monitoring the Legislature and researching the process of calling a special session if a budget is not in place by May 5.
“We are watching to make sure our agenda gets passed,” Greitens said.
On Thursday, a nonprofit dedicated to promoting Greitens’ agenda went a step further, launching online attack ads against Sen. Rob Schaaf, R-St. Joseph, who has filibustered efforts to expand managed care in Missouri and establish a statewide prescription drug monitoring database.
Most recently, he used the technique against a bill that would create a “Blue Alert” system allowing law enforcement to more quickly apprehend suspects who have harmed police officers — a top priority for Greitens.
“Politician Rob Schaaf is siding with liberals in the Senate against conservatives,” the ad reads. “He is attempting to shut down all conservative action in the Senate because of personal political games that he is playing along with the liberals.”
The ad also features Schaaf’s personal cellphone number and encourages Missourians to call him. Schaaf, who has criticized Greitens’ “dark money” nonprofit, did not return requests for comment from the Post-Dispatch.
His filibusters also drew ire last week from House lawmakers, who voted down a House proposal in part because Schaaf carried it in the Senate.
Among those speaking out against his bill was Rep. Shawn Rhoads, R-West Plains, who said Schaaf and anyone else who may filibuster the budget will cost taxpayers more money if a special session must be called.
“I’m all about sitting around and debating things for a long time and getting it vetted out,” Rhoads told the Post-Dispatch. “But there comes a point where you’re doing this so much that you’re actually hurting the business of the state of Missouri.”
As Schaaf held the floor during the debate over Blue Alert legislation last week, Sen. Caleb Rowden, R-Columbia, questioned him about his ties to lobbyists.
“If you’re going to stand there and accuse me of doing something illegal, or immoral, or unethical, then I’m going to start looking at every single one of your bills and see if that entity gave you a campaign contribution,” Schaaf fired back. “Are you ready to accept that?”
“Sure,” Rowden said.
‘Consider the people’
Schaaf isn’t the only senator in the party to butt heads with Greitens. This year, the governor turned to social media to lash out at Republican senators who voted for a pay raise for themselves.
He also sidestepped the GOP-led Legislature last month when he issued an executive order giving parental leave to state employees working in the executive branch.
Meanwhile, Republicans have used the filibuster to block a utility rate-making bill and attempts to make Missouri compliant with a federal REAL ID law, without which Missourians could need a passport to board domestic flights by 2018.
While Schaaf may be the face of the recent filibusters, he is not alone. For example, last week other senators made changes to the House’s prescription drug monitoring bill that could derail negotiations with the House and threaten passage.
Republicans in labor-friendly districts, such as Sen. Ryan Silvey of Kansas City, have joined Democrats in late-night debates to block further labor reforms, including a controversial “paycheck protection” bill.
Silvey has contended corporate donors have had too much influence over some of the GOP’s agenda.
“I think the facts that have already been reported speak for themselves,” Silvey said on Thursday.
Last week, a Washington-based watchdog group asked a federal prosecutor to investigate Senate President Pro Tem Ron Richard, who accepted a contribution from TAMKO Building Products CEO and President David Humphrey six days after introducing legislation that could derail a class-action lawsuit against the roofing products company.
Richard has deemed the allegations false and reckless. Silvey recently suggested that Richard’s connection to Humphreys may be illegal.
So far, leaders have maintained that the Senate is meant to go slow — that’s how the founding fathers designed it, said Sen. Majority Leader Mike Kehoe, R-Jefferson City.
“Our side of the building is to make sure we take time and deliberate,” Kehoe told reporters this month.
Still, others acknowledge there are fractures this year within the Republican caucus. On the Senate floor on Thursday, Sen. Bob Dixon, R-Springfield, briefly broke the acrimony in the chamber to call for civility.
“We have what, 12, 15 days left in this legislative session? I don’t like what’s going on,” Dixon said. “But rather than sit in judgment of one another … I would just respectfully ask we consider our history and consider the people we’re here to actually serve.”
Kurt Erickson of the Post-Dispatch contributed to this report.
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